the war without love

In 1173 the Angevin empire looked set to fall, facing rebellion on all sides. Against incredible odds Henry II won a decisive victory, silencing kings, lords – and his own children.

James Barnaby

On 12 July 1174 King Henry II of England arrived at Canterbury. Walking barefoot to the cathedral he made a public confession, regretting his part in the murder of Thomas Becket, before submitting himself to a flogging by the bishops and monks. The next day, more than 300 miles away at Alnwick, Henry’s royalist forces captured the king of Scotland, William I, in a daring raid. William’s capture effectively ended the civil war that was raging across England and Henry’s continental domains. Contemporaries believed this victory was because of Becket, who now forgave Henry for his part in the murder and lent his saintly power to the side of the king.

The war, known as the Great Rebellion of 1173-74, was the greatest challenge Henry had faced since becoming king of England in 1154. Lords throughout his vast dominions were in revolt, led by Henry’s own sons and aided by the kings of France and Scotland and the count of Flanders. Resistance to Henry was so great that it was believed that the king’s regime must collapse. Yet by September 1174 Henry was triumphant. The rebels had failed on every front. Their baronial leaders were captured, the king of Scotland submitted to English rule and Henry’s children begged for clemency.

Torn by eagles

Why did a rebellion occur in 1173? In the 12th century, the Angevin empire was one of Europe’s superpowers. A conglomeration of different states and lordships covering the British Isles and France, it was built and controlled by Henry II. Lacking suitable governmental structures, Henry had to rule personally, moving between regions to enforce his will, which caused significant discontent. Some areas resented the imposition of new laws and financial burdens, while many lords were unhappy about the confiscation of their lands, or Henry showing favour to their rivals.

There was also discontent from outside the empire, particularly from Louis VII, the king of France. Henry owed allegiance to Louis for his French territories, but in reality he was more powerful than the French king. Louis also had a personal animosity towards Henry. Louis had been married to Eleanor of Aquitaine, from 1137 to 1152, but the marriage was dissolved after it failed to produce a male heir. Within months of this divorce, Eleanor married Henry, causing Louis to lose control of Aquitaine, Eleanor’s hereditary lands, to his young rival. Much of Louis’ remaining years (he would die in 1180) were spent trying to gain control over the lands of his most powerful subject. In 1173, Henry’s sons gave him that chance.

The martyrdom of Thomas Becket, ivory carving, c.1400. Agefotostock/Alamy Stock Photo.

Henry had four legitimate sons who survived infancy: Henry, Richard, Geoffrey and John; all four were to cause their father intense pain. The chronicler Gerald of Wales recounted a story in which Henry explained the meaning of a painting of an eagle with four young eaglets tearing it to pieces. The king declared that he was the eagle, being attacked by his sons, who one day would tear him apart. There was no love lost within the family. Henry’s sons always demanded more power and independence from a father disinclined to give it to them. This was especially true of his eldest son, Henry, known as the Young King.

The young Henry was crowned as king of England in 1170. The older Henry’s idea was to secure the succession by crowning his heir during his lifetime. This was a novelty in England and caused problems when deciding who should actually rule. The Young King expected to either govern his own territories or rule the empire jointly with his father, but Henry had other ideas. He gave his son a yearly income but no lands to rule directly or any real power; he was in effect another government official and, even then, not the top official. In England it was the king’s trusted officers who were really in charge. The Young King actually had less power than his brothers. Richard ruled in Aquitaine, under the guidance of his mother. Likewise, Geoffrey in Brittany had a degree of autonomy that was denied to his eldest brother. This was partly due to strategic concerns. The Young King was to have the Angevin heartlands and those which were essential to keeping Henry’s power, but only after Henry’s death. Were Henry to give his son any of these territories during his lifetime, he would lose his authority and weaken the empire, something he could not countenance.

Although dissatisfied with his predicament, the Young King was prepared to wait. In 1173, however, things came to a head when Henry tried to endow John with lands of his own. The plan was to marry John to the daughter of Count Humbert of Savoy. Humbert had no male heirs and the marriage would mean that John would inherit Savoy, which was in a strategic position, encompassing some of the more important alpine crossings, making it a source of great wealth. Further, a match with Savoy would enable Henry to press his claims on southern France. Had it worked, Henry would have effectively strangled the power of the French kings and the continent would likely look very different.

To secure the match, John had to bring something to the marriage, so Henry offered the castles of Chinon, Loudun and Mirebeau in the Angevin heartlands. The Young King objected as the castles were part of his inheritance. The real issue, however, was that John was being provided with lands and autonomy (like his brothers Richard and Geoffrey) while the Young King was still landless and powerless. He refused to agree to the grant and demanded that Henry hand over either England, Normandy or Anjou for him to rule in his own right. Henry refused; there was now an open rift between father and son.

Philip II of France sending an envoy to Henry II following the death of the Young King in 1183. Philip was the half-brother of Margaret, who married the Young King in 1172. After his death, Philip demanded the return of Margaret’s dowry. French manuscript, 14th century. © British Library Board. All Rights Reserved/Bridgeman Images.

Rebel complaints

In 1173, Henry appeared to be at the height of his power. His rule extended from northern England to southern France. But such power bred enmity. Louis could not sit idly by and allow Henry free rein. Henry had also upset his eldest son, his wife and many of the nobility due to his style of rule. These factions now came together to resist the king.

The rebels’ plans were prematurely revealed to Henry, giving him the chance to prepare his defences. Henry raced to the great fortress at Chinon and sent word to fortify his towns and castles. The Young King was with his father and, fearing he would be imprisoned, pretended to go drinking in the town. He slipped out of Chinon and went straight to Paris, where he received a warm reception from Louis. The Young King’s flight was a shock to his father, but also to the other plotters who were not ready to openly rebel. War was now inevitable.

It is difficult to identify the specific reasons for each rebel’s decision to join the revolt, but general comments can be made. The only document we have laying out the rebels’ complaints from their perspective is a letter from the Young King to the pope, in which the rebellious son attacks the injustice and misrule of his father, complaining that by not being included in the government of the realm, he had no choice but to rebel in order to correct these wrongs. Many supported the Young King, as they saw Angevin rule as heavy handed. The king was in control and often there was very little they could do about it. Under Henry’s predecessor, King Stephen, many barons had increased their power and wealth, but Henry had put a stop to this, destroying their castles, reclaiming lost royal rights and enforcing harsh forest laws over swathes of England. Opportunism also played a part, especially in the case of Hugh Bigod, earl of Norfolk. The Young King offered Bigod the custodianship of Norwich (the seat of royal government in East Anglia), as well as the Honour of Eye, which covered much of Suffolk.

The greatest charge in the letter to the pope, however, was the murder of Thomas Becket. The death of an archbishop in front of a church altar was one of the greatest scandals of the 12th century, and while Henry himself had not ordered the death of his former friend, he was widely believed to be responsible. Many felt that Henry had not been sufficiently punished. He had made no formal penance for the part he played in the murder, and the peace settlement made with the papacy maintained the status quo. The Young King claimed that his rebellion was necessary to overthrow a tyrant and properly punish the murderer of an archbishop.

The coronation of Henry II’s son, the Young King, as co-monarch at Westminster Abbey, by Roger of Pont l’Évêque, Archbishop of York, 1170. From the Becket Leaves, c.1220-40. Dipper Historic/Alamy Stock Photo.

The War

The Great Rebellion spread across all of Henry’s lands and was mainly a series of sieges, with a few important pitched battles. The Young King and Louis led the war in Normandy, Richard had command in Aquitaine, while in England the rebellion was primarily under the control of Robert, earl of Leicester, and William, king of Scotland. Henry had to move carefully. Focusing on one front could leave his other territories vulnerable. He chose to spend most of his time on the continent, especially in Normandy. The duchy of Normandy was crucial to the empire; it was the bridge between his territories and its loss would result in his continental estates being cut off from England (and its vast resources).

The threat elsewhere was just as dangerous as in Normandy, but Henry could rely on his faithful ministers to hold the line. This was especially true of England, where the king had built a network of heavily fortified castles well maintained and commanded by men, primarily local sheriffs, who remained loyal to Henry. These officials were from the middle echelons of society and by appointing them to government offices and granting them the opportunity to gain wealth, Henry created a group of men totally dependent on him. It was these men who saved the kingdom for their master during the rebellion.

In Normandy, the rebels (with their French, Flemish and Breton allies) aimed to cut Henry’s access to supplies from England, weakening the rest of his continental domains. The main target was Rouen, the Norman capital, and a three-pronged attack was launched. The Bretons attacked from the east, the Young King and the Flemish from the northeast, while Louis attacked from the southern region of Verneuil. These routes allowed the rebel allies to avoid the heavily fortified area of the Vexin to the north of Paris – the main area of conflict between the French and English kings during the 12th century. The strategy was also based on avoiding open battle with Henry’s forces. Whenever Henry’s army approached, the rebels would withdraw and attack on another front. The hope was that this would prevent Henry from concentrating his forces in one location and prevent him from winning on any front. It was a good plan with one flaw: it required a very unpredictable Henry to be very predictable.

The first assaults led by the Flemish were directed at Aumale and Drincourt. Aumale fell around 29 June, with Drincourt succumbing shortly after 21 July. However, Philip of Flanders – who led the assault – was to suffer a major setback when his brother, Matthew, count of Boulogne, was killed in the fighting. His death forced Philip to withdraw his forces to secure the succession of his brother’s estates, giving Henry time to recuperate.

Henry II’s domains in England and France c. 1185, from Cassell’s History of England, Vol. I. Public Domain.

As Henry was marching to relieve Drincourt, Louis and the Young King suddenly attacked Verneuil in the south, believing that Henry would be too busy in the northeast to respond. However as soon as Henry heard of the attack, he turned his forces around and marched straight for the king of France. Arriving at Verneuil, Henry discovered part of the town had already fallen. He decided on a risky move: he deployed his forces and offered pitched battle to the French. The image of large medieval armies slaughtering each other on the battlefield is a popular myth; pitched battles were rare as defeat nearly always meant the loss of your cause. Henry sought a swift resolution which would allow him to pursue his other enemies as soon as he had won; he was confident of victory. Louis’ response to Henry’s challenge was to retreat. This was to be the course of the war in Normandy. Every time Henry arrived to relieve a siege, the rebels would leave. The only major pitched battle on the continent was at Dol in August 1173. Henry’s forces arrived to relieve the city and routed the Breton forces, taking many of the leaders prisoner. The victory at Dol ended the war to the west of Normandy and allowed Henry to concentrate on the war to the east.

English disaster

In England, there were two main areas of fighting. In the north, William of Scotland ravaged the countryside but, without siege equipment, was unable to take the fortresses key to England’s survival. In East Anglia, Hugh Bigod had limited success as he was hemmed in by the king’s castles. In September 1173, the earl was reinforced when Robert of Leicester landed near Dunwich with a force of Flemish mercenaries; however, they still failed to make any headway.

This failure was to cost the rebels dearly. Royalist forces quickly mustered at Bury St Edmunds under the justiciar Richard de Lucy and the constable Humphrey de Bohun. They intercepted the rebel forces near Fornham St Genevieve, as the rebels were trying to cross the River Lark on their way north. The Battle of Fornham, fought on 17 October 1173, was the largest pitched battle of the rebellion and a catastrophe for the rebels. Leicester’s Flemish infantry, numbering in the thousands, were slaughtered, with the locals hunting them down throughout the countryside. Leicester’s wife Petronilla – described as an Amazon dressed in mail and carrying shield and spear – was captured by the royalists, causing her husband to lose heart and surrender. Leicester’s defeat effectively ended the rebellion in the east, but in the north there was still King William.

As with the campaigns elsewhere, the Scottish campaign had limited success. The Scots were unable to take the major fortresses before the king’s officers arrived to drive them off. In July 1174, William decided to besiege Alnwick. Needing supplies, he sent most of his army to pillage the area, keeping only 500 men with him before the castle. On 13 July disaster struck. While William’s company was having breakfast, a small royalist force appeared out of the mist and attacked, capturing the king. Hearing that their king had been taken, the Scottish army fled back across the border.

By July 1174, the rebels had lost. They had been repulsed in England and Normandy, allowing Henry to move around at will and reclaim his lost lands. The capture of the Scottish king ended the threat in England. Henry spent the month quashing the remaining resistance in East Anglia before heading back

to the continent to concentrate his forces on ending the war in France. Within two months the Young King, his brothers and Louis accepted defeat and made peace with Henry. The treaty agreed at Montlouis in September was generous to the rebels, granting more revenues to Henry’s sons and restoring the status quo from before the war. Though Henry was magnanimous in victory, it was clear that his victory was total.

Against the odds

Henry faced overwhelming odds during the Great Rebellion, yet he was never in any real difficulty. Much of this was due to those who served him. Henry placed his trust in men ‘raised from the dust’, that is, from the middle echelons of society, whose careers and futures were wholly dependent on the king. They remained steadfastly loyal to Henry; not a single English sheriff rebelled against their lord. Royal castles were well provisioned and garrisoned, denying the rebels the chance to gain strategic footholds in England or Normandy.

Henry was also a brilliant soldier. He was unpredictable and his enemies feared meeting him in open battle. Constantly on the move, he would appear when least expected. These tactics were replicated by Henry’s officials such as Richard de Lucy, whose swift move from the north of England to Bury St Edmunds allowed the royalists to destroy Leicester’s forces at Fornham.

The rebels lost because their strategy was weak. They were not ready for war; the Scots had no siege equipment and could not make any headway against the castles in the north of England. In France, rebel policy was dependent on Henry doing what they expected of him. On top of this, the rebels had no back-up plan. They had placed all their eggs in one basket; Henry simply kicked the basket out of the way.

But Henry was also incredibly lucky. He was told of the plot before the rebels were ready, allowing him to strengthen key fortresses which might otherwise have fallen. The death of Matthew of Boulogne, forcing Philip of Flanders’ withdrawal, gave Henry respite in the northeast. The capture of Robert of Leicester and William of Scotland swiftly ended the war in England before it could become a serious threat. These overwhelming (and lucky) victories one after another allowed Henry to build momentum until he was unstoppable.

After the war Henry did change his style of rule, becoming slightly more conciliatory towards his children and the barons. But many of the underlying issues that had caused the rebellion remained. The king’s sons still felt they had not been given their due, and repeatedly rebelled throughout Henry’s reign until they got what they wanted. The Young King would not inherit the throne; he died in 1183 while campaigning against his father and brother, Richard, in the Limousin. When Henry died six years later in 1189, he was succeeded by Richard and, then, John. Under these kings, the problems that the lords had with Angevin government, especially taxation, persisted, finally resulting in Magna Carta in 1215, further civil war and, ultimately, the collapse of the Angevin empire. But not under Henry II.